DEMOCRATIC CAPITALISM

THE WAY TO A WORLD OF PLENTY OF PEACE

A READER'S GUIDE                                                                            

                       Chapter 10 can be read as a summary of Book I. It includes 10 hypotheses that if validated lead to the ideal of a world of peace and plenty, the means to attain the ideal, and the process to confirm the ideal and specify the means. 

Chapter 1, Citizen's Choice

 Reformers made a bad choice in the nineteenth century when they selected Karl Marx’s flawed solution to the distribution of wealth problem instead of John Stuart Mill’s evolutionary refinement.  This choice set the stage for the bloodiest century in human history, the twentieth.  

In the late twentieth century the United States government made a bad choice to support short-term and greedy ultra-capitalism instead of democratic capitalism. The record concentration of wealth that resulted limited the spread of economic freedom and provoked global social tensions.  

The various political processes have never found the rational organization for human affairs.  Power adoring and untrained leaders have persistently led to folly and violence.  The right citizen choice for the twenty-first century will require a higher quality truth searching process by the other parts of the culture to properly educate citizens and train leaders in support of the superior economic system, democratic capitalism.  

Chapter 2, The Development of a Democratic Capitalist  

Because the propositions in this book are an integration of my experience and study, it is appropriate to describe how I discovered democratic capitalism and the extraordinary potential of people when they become involved, cooperate, produce, innovate, and share.  In my experiences over many years, and many countries, I discovered and tested the principles that I later confirmed through studying the wisdom of many.  

Included is a description of Care and Share, a profit-sharing and ownership plan that I designed and implemented as CEO of ADT, Inc.  I believe that such programs are the solution to the maldistribution of wealth that has persistently corrupted capitalism.  

At the end of my business career, I was puzzled as to why these principles were not applied to all aspects of human organization.  After studying this question for years, I became even more puzzled that the simple principles of democratic capitalism have yet to become the template for a comfortable and peaceful society.

 

Chapter 3, Historical Background  

In 1776 Adam Smith defined a new industrial system that could eliminate material scarcity, but he warned of the threat from speculators.  Smith's vision of economic freedom was complemented by the political freedoms in the new American republic.  Robert Owen provided early experimental verification that investment in human capital produces superior results, and Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill enlarged the definition of democratic capitalism by examining worker ownership as a way to distribute wealth broadly.  

Mill's manifesto contains the radical proposal that industrial performance and the worker's quality of life are synergistic:

It is scarcely possible to rate too highly this material benefit, which yet is nothing compared to the moral revolution in society that would accompany it; a new sense of security and independence in the laboring class; and the conversion of each human being's daily occupation into a school of the social sympathies and the practical intelligence.  

Mill's manifesto and Marx's Communist Manifesto appeared at the same time, 1848, yet the record does not show that the intellectual community synthesized these two powerful statements.  I also draw on the Marquis de Condorcet's 1794 summary of the work of the Enlightenment; the examination of the American democratic experiment by another Frenchman, Alexis de Tocqueville; and the march toward freedom described by the German Idealists Kant, Hegel, and Marx. Kant also proposed the imperative of law, not violence, in the relations among nations in order for economic and political freedoms to be functional.  

Marx’s axiom that social progress depends on movement to a superior economic system is contrasted to the flawed cultural tradition in which reformers are conditioned by a contempt for commerce and a love of state.

 

Chapter 4, How Democratic Capitalism Works  

Although democratic capitalism is not taught in Business Schools as a coherent commercial philosophy and practice, most of the companies designated by Fortune as the "100 Best" practice its principles.  These companies have found democratic capitalism, as I myself did, through trial and error.   The common features include a fundamental morality broadly understood, customer loyalty, high levels of productivity, job security, meritocracy, minimum structure, action orientation, and a compensation system that is both fair and perceived to be fair.  The practices of democratic capitalism flow from a commitment to integrity in a coherent and integral pattern.

Only in the democratic capitalist environment will the cognitive power of involved, contributing, sharing people be fully released.  Consequently, in the Information Age, democratic capitalism has become a competitive necessity.  

            For democratic capitalism to reach full potential it needs a finance capitalism that is subordinate, not an ultra-capitalism that is dominant.

 

Chapter 5, Worker Ownership: The Democratization of Capitalism  

In the coupling of democracy and capitalism, wealth distribution determines whether the coupling is one of tension or of synergy.  Broad wealth distribution motivates wage earners to produce and innovate to their full potential.  Broad wealth distribution recycles surplus back into the economy to maximize growth, adds spendable income to make free trade work, and provides a sense of unified purpose. Concentrated wealth inverts each of these requirements for economic growth and social cohesion.  

Forms of worker ownership such as ESOPs, and profit sharing stock purchase plans have grown in the United States based on their economic logic.  Worker ownership is growing in other parts of the world as they pursue economic freedom by privatizing industry.

 

Chapter 6, The Economic Logic of Democratic Capitalism  

The positive effect on both supply and demand by democratic capitalism is described along with productivity increases that support broader wealth distribution in a non-inflationary way.  

Macro and micro economic policies of the U.S. government are examined and criticized as an inversion where monetary matters needing control are freed while operating matters that should be freed are controlled.  The result is a capitalism that does not provide the nonvolatile and patient capital specified by Adam Smith nor does it protect the world’s economies from the speculators that Smith warned about.  

The priority for large dividends to maximize long-term shareholder value is stressed in order to balance income, appreciation and security.

 

Chapter 7, The Rise of Ultra-Capitalism  

Included is a historical review of the conflict in commerce between those providing goods and services and those making money on money. During the last quarter of the twentieth century the traditional flaw of concentrated wealth was multiplied many times as excessive volatility was caused by floating the dollar in 1971, excessive liquidity was caused by ERISA requiring full pension funding, and easy credit for speculation was caused by combining deregulation with the suspension of market disciplines.  

Ultra-capitalism is a threat to economic common purpose and world peace.  Many nations had their economic momentum reversed by ultra-capitalism but the most egregious example presented is Indonesia , the fourth largest nation in population and the largest Muslim nation.  

Although the wage earner is now the major source of new investment capital wealth is concentrated in record amounts.

 

Chapter 8, Conflicts in Capitalism: An American Tragedy  

This play depicts how the building and selling of products and services has been dominated by the short-term and greedy demands of ultra-capitalism.

 

Chapter 9, Enron: The Poster Boy for Ultra-Capitalism  

            The bankruptcy of Enron in 2001 is analyzed as a case study of the corrupting elements of ultra-capitalism that threaten the world’s economy.  The emphasis is, however, not just on greedy and immoral executives, but rather on the structural imperfections in government that allow Enrons to happen.  The government that is supposed to control currency and credit for the general welfare, instead, provides easy credit for speculation. This chapter points out how this traditional impediment has escalated in the last quarter century into a dominant force because the lobbying power of Wall Street is not neutralized by the democratic power of reformers.  The reformers have a different agenda and lack understanding of the necessary macro reform of fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies.  

            Specific reforms are proposed that would prevent Enrons from happening including large dividends,  changes in measurement and accountability, auditing, rating agencies, executive compensation, and Board governance.

 

Chapter 10, The Way to a World of Peace and Plenty  

            This concluding chapter presents hypotheses in a logical structure, that is, the first hypothesis must be validated before the second one can be relevant and so on with the succeeding hypotheses.  

            Hypothesis #1 is Marx’s axiom that social progress depends on movement to a superior economic system. Reformers have persistently failed to accept this  hypothesis and as a consequence have failed to place the culture and political  structure in support of the superior economic system.  

            Hypothesis #2 is a definition of the superior economic system. Hypothesis #3 presents economic freedom as a potentially universal system because it has demonstrated its capacity to improve lives in both democratic and authoritarian governments.   

            Hypothesis #4 describes how the domination by ultra-capitalism results in a world economy functioning at a fraction of potential. Hypothesis # 5 explains how government privileges have prevented the synergistic combination of democracy and capitalism from the beginning  Hypothesis #6 explains that this domination by ultra-capitalism is a result of an intellectual and political gridlock in the United States between those who support ultra-capitalism and those who do not use their democratic power to reform fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies but rather waste it on micro intrusions in free markets..  

            Hypothesis #7 traces this gridlock to a failure in the truth-seeking process in which the intellectual community never accepted the challenge of the eighteenth century Enlightenment to apply scientific truth-seeking methods to the organization of human affairs. The process presented by Aristotle and Francis Bacon would unify scholarly disciplines, bridge the managers and thinkers, and find common ground for the secular and religious.  

            Hypothesis # 8 and 9 identifies the agents of change: the universities and the institutional investors. The former with the responsibility to educate citizens and train leaders, the latter with the democratic power and fiduciary obligation to replace ultra-capitalism with democratic capitalism.  

             Hypotheses  1-5 about democratic capitalism and ultra-capitalism are  examined in Book I. Hypotheses 6-10 are examined more fully in Book II that can be read, pending publication, on the Carey Center for Democratic Capitalism website www.democratic-capitalism.com.